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OP ED: West Virginia’s Healthcare System Is Socialist…We Just Don’t Call It That

By: Brandon S. Steele

Op Ed by Op Ed
Sunday, April 19, 2026 5:03 pm

West Virginia is one of the most conservative states in America. Our voters overwhelmingly support limited government, free markets, and local control.

But take a hard look at our healthcare system, and you’ll find something very different.

It is centralized.
It is publicly financed.
It is tax-advantaged.
It is controlled by large nonprofit systems.
And it is increasingly dictated by bureaucratic decision-making, not local need.

Strip away the branding, and what you have is simple:

West Virginia’s healthcare system is socialism in practice.

We didn’t vote for it.
We didn’t debate it.
We drifted into it.

The Affordable Care Act set the stage

The turning point was the Affordable Care Act.

It didn’t nationalize hospitals or eliminate private insurance, but it did something more subtle and more powerful. It rewrote the rules.

It standardized coverage.
It eliminated meaningful price competition.
It expanded government-funded insurance.

And in 2014, when West Virginia expanded Medicaid, the shift became permanent.

From that point forward, healthcare providers stopped organizing around private markets and started organizing around government reimbursement.

When the government becomes your primary customer, it also becomes your primary master.

The “market” didn’t adapt, it disappeared

In a rural state like West Virginia, a true free-market healthcare system can’t survive under those conditions.

Margins shrink.
Costs rise.
Private payers disappear.

So what happens?

Independent providers sell out.
Hospitals consolidate.
Large nonprofit systems take over.

And those buyouts are not small.

Local practices and facilities that once operated independently are being absorbed into massive regional systems for millions of dollars. Those systems don’t generate that kind of capital from competitive margins, they generate it through:

  • steady government reimbursement streams, 
  • tax advantages, 
  • access to tax-exempt financing, 
  • and public-backed funding structures. 

In other words, expansion is fueled—directly or indirectly—by public money.

The tax advantage no one talks about

Most of these large healthcare systems operate as nonprofits, which means:

  • they do not pay corporate income taxes, 
  • they often do not pay real property taxes, 
  • and they are frequently exempt from personal property taxes. 

Think about what that means.

Some of the largest landowners and employers in West Virginia communities contribute little or nothing to the local tax base that funds:

  • police and fire departments, 
  • EMS services, 
  • infrastructure, 
  • schools, 
  • and local government operations. 

The burden doesn’t disappear, it shifts.

It shifts to:

  • homeowners, 
  • small businesses, 
  • and working families. 

So while nonprofit hospital systems expand—buying up providers and consolidating power—they do so on a tax-free playing field, while the communities around them carry the load.

Central planning is no longer theoretical

If you want to see central planning in action, you don’t need a textbook. You just need to look around.

Take Greenbrier Valley Medical Center, now part of the broader CAMC Health System network.

A recent announcement stunned the community when it was disclosed the facility is ending labor and delivery services effective April 24, 2026.

That decision wasn’t made by:

  • local voters, 
  • county officials, 
  • or the families who rely on that hospital. 

It was made at the system level, based on:

  • cost structures, 
  • staffing models, 
  • reimbursement realities, 
  • and administrative strategy. 

That is central planning in real time.  

The Certificate of Need game: controlling competition from the inside

West Virginia’s healthcare power structure hasn’t just adapted to regulation—it has learned to use it.

The state’s Certificate of Need (CON) laws are supposed to prevent unnecessary duplication of services. In reality, they have become a tool to control who is allowed to compete.

Large hospital systems have:

  • supported limited carve-outs when it benefits them, 
  • opposed broader CON repeal that would open the door to real competition, 
  • and used the regulatory process to protect market share. 

When competition threatens the system, the system doesn’t compete.
It regulates the competition out of existence.

Political influence: the system is now defending itself

At this point, the system isn’t just economic—it’s political.

Healthcare systems and aligned interests have increasingly:

  • supported physician-candidates for legislative office, 
  • directed campaign resources into key races, 
  • and built influence within the policymaking process itself. 

Figures like Senator Tom Takubo, a physician and board member of WVU Medicine, and Delegate Matthew Rohrbach have been central players in healthcare policy discussions in the Legislature.

At the same time, physician-backed candidates, such as Michael Antolini, are being supported in races across the state, including challenges to incumbents like Rollan Roberts.

This isn’t unusual. It’s what large systems do.

They don’t just operate within the rules.
They help shape the rules.

The real power has shifted, and most people don’t see it

The biggest change isn’t ownership. It’s control.

Today, healthcare in West Virginia is governed less by:

  • markets, 
  • local communities, 
  • or even elected bodies, 

and more by:

  • reimbursement formulas, 
  • regulatory frameworks, 
  • managed care contracts, 
  • and administrative decision-making. 

Those levers are controlled by:

  • federal agencies, 
  • state bureaucracies, 
  • and large healthcare systems operating within those frameworks. 

That’s where the real power sits.

Why don’t conservative voters recognize it?

Most people don’t see this as political because it doesn’t look political.

Doctors still seem independent.
Hospitals still have familiar names.
Insurance cards still come from companies.

But conservative economic principles are clear:

  • competition should drive pricing, 
  • consumers should have meaningful choice, 
  • markets should reward efficiency, 
  • failure should be possible. 

West Virginia’s healthcare system operates on the opposite model:

  • pricing is largely set by government programs, 
  • competition is limited or controlled, 
  • institutions are protected from failure, 
  • and decision-making is centralized. 

That is not capitalism.

That is centralized, government-driven healthcare, whether we choose to call it that or not.

The bottom line

West Virginia didn’t vote for a socialized healthcare system.

It happened step by step:

  • The ACA rewrote the rules. 
  • Medicaid expansion shifted the payer base. 
  • Rural economics eliminated competition. 
  • Nonprofit systems consolidated control. 
  • Regulation replaced markets. 
  • Political influence now protects the structure. 

What we have today is a system that:

  • expands using public-backed capital, 
  • operates without a traditional tax burden, 
  • limits competition through regulation, 
  • and makes life-altering decisions from centralized leadership. 

All in one of the most conservative states in America.

That’s not a theory.

That’s the reality on the ground.

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